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This is no time for more war
                       September 2013

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The world of refugee affairs is needed in large part on account of armed conflicts which produce the majority of refugees. Since 1992 the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has included "prevention" on the list of goals for refugee affairs. Military intervention as a solution to armed conflict has to be considered. Yet I say this is no time to rush into more war. Rather, it's time to set the war on terror behind and renew the quest for alternatives to war, help others build their societies, and reclaim the enjoyment of rights and freedoms in our own society.


There is talk of military intervention in Syria. Meanwhile, a war of increasingly questionable utility drags on in Afghanistan. Samantha Nutt’s recent book Damned Nations is a devastating description of the failure of over a decade of wars and military interventions in Somalia, Iraq and Afghanistan to resolve political situations deemed in need of change. Nutt shows how the use of war was a disaster from the point of view of progressive civilians in the societies attacked, and how war is invariably a disaster for civilians at large. Civilians bear the brunt of the shock and awe, the chaos, the killing and the swill of weapons sold in huge numbers to all political factions.  In Africa, the legacy of war includes war children and unemployment for young men released from militia. The big need is for alternatives to war in the appetite for doing something in the face of political disasters overseas: a need for alternatives to both major interventions and for alternatives to fuelling simmering civil wars.  Nutt’s experience is that the seemingly lame older idea of a package of aid and development - education, health care and the like – especially for women - mostly helps.  This is despite her withering critique of the NGOs which deliver these packages. Beyond such packages, she wants enforceable treaties to limit weapon supplies. That would help stifle residual simmering civil conflicts. International controls on the legitimacy of minerals exported would make it harder for mining corporations to overlook the way exports fund gangs of marauding rebel or mercenary soldiers.


Refugee prevention and facilitating refugee return are important international concerns.  In 2004, I thought that the UN endorsed NATO intervention in Afghanistan might at least allow large populations of Afghan refugees to return. The previous Taliban Afghanistan was a human rights disaster.  Certainly, the UN endorsed intervention in Afghanistan by NATO was better than a US led group of willing nations in a preventative war in Iraq – a war justified by misinformation about Iraqi nuclear weapons.  But a just war must be winnable.  An aggressive military intervention into a complex cultural and political situation in Afghanistan and neighbouring Pakistan could hardly result in a stable society to which massive numbers of refugees could return for the long term.  By 2007, I was reading articles from Europe about the re-emergence of the Taliban in Afghanistan and the need for a negotiated solution.  Ahmed Rashid’s 2012 book Pakistan on the Brink: The Future of America, Pakistan, and Afghanistan confirmed the unstable situation in Afghanistan and inter alia reported that Pakistan, a nuclear power, has harboured extremist Jihadi fighters belonging to various groups and the Afghan Taliban factions and their leaders on its territory for years. Pakistan hosts a simmering civil war of its own. Rashid said: “Undeniably the military and political situation in both Afghanistan and Pakistan has deteriorated considerably during Obama’s tenure in Office.” This makes the use of warfare in Afghanistan and the use of drone aircraft to target supposed terrorist leaders in Pakistan now highly questionable as an appropriate international response in this world region.  It seems there has been only destabilizing of the nation states in the region. As Nutt suggested from experience on the ground in several conflicts, the usefulness of intervention and humanitarian intervention need to be re-examined.


May 23rd US President Obama declared the global war on terrorism was over, but added that focus remained for targeted networks. The same day the head of the American Civil Liberties Union said  "President Obama is right to say that we cannot be on a war footing forever, but the time to take our country off the global warpath and fully restore the rule of law is now, not at some indeterminate future point. “  The Guardian newspaper, UK, felt the speech could be read many ways. Yet Obama spoke to US public concerns which question the need for war, for drones into Pakistan and for a whole lot of rights restricting measures designed in the more uncertain conditions of late 2001.


Over the August 4 holiday weekend the August 6 Globe & Mail reported the US “closed nearly two dozen diplomatic missions” and issued a worldwide travel alert resulting from intercepted electronic communications between Al-Qaeda in Pakistan and Yemen. Canada closed its embassy in Bangladesh.  It got our attention about a continuing war on terror “out there” and it told us very little concrete.  “Trade Freedom for ‘Security’? That's a Raw Deal, Canada” said Adam Kingsmith in the Huffington Post on 7 July. The risk of extremism in Canada is the lowest among Western countries and a lower risk than the chance of winning the 629 lottery.  He lamented the repeated government reports of risk and the reports of police thwarting plans to commit terrorism which create an impression of need for the “war.”  The vague “security” promised comes at the price of concrete rights and freedoms which we are expected to sacrifice. He is not saying that all precautions and measures should be thrown out.  A reflection on the kind and scale of measures should be rethought for a democracy and the rule of law.  


In the US, despite the President’s renewed commitment to close it, there is still a detention camp in Guantanamo for alleged terrorists who do not get a fair trial.  In Canada, emergency legislation which had been allowed to die 10 years after 2001, as foreseen when it was enacted, was resurrected in 2012 after an uneventful short lapse.  On August 20th, the editor of the Guardian UK newspaper wrote that security officials came after his paper’s hard drive data on account of publishing Wikileaks. The hard drives were trashed. The partner of the Guardian journalist writing on US government electronic snoop information leaked by Snowden was detained in transit in London’s Heathrow airport for 9 hours under UK anti-terror detention provisions. His computer and data were seized.  Freedom of the press is at issue when one’s partner can be detained and robbed in transit. Freedom is at issue when an airplane carrying the President of Bolivia can be grounded in European airspace because Snowden might have been on board.  In both cases, it did not seem that an urgent need to prevent acts of terrorism was the central motive.  If laws are there, they will be used – and not always as intended.  Kingsmith got it right. We lose concrete rights for nebulous security. The ACLU got it right. The time to fully restore the rule of law is now.


I am left hearing increasingly hollow calls about the risk of terrorists when a risk was always there in Western societies from anarchists or someone. The risk remains.  In the meantime laws have been changed and they continue to rob citizens and non-citizens alike of important rights such as protection from arbitrary arrest, to peaceful protest, to freedom of the press and the right to a home, privacy and family life. Some have no protection from torture or cruel treatment. Some lack a fair trial.  Scare tactics are losing their potency.


I agree with Samantha Nutt that the decade of war has not paid dividends for the civilians involved on any side of the conflict - and not for refugee prevention.  The slower cheaper less dramatic ways of development with education and health need to be pushed again. There should be work towards international small arms control treaties and controls on sources of important minerals being mined in central Africa.


And I agree with Adam Kingsmith:

“After all, while we cannot say for certain how much safer all this ‘security’ has made us, we can say how much less free it has made us -- and that right there should serve as a stark reminder that those willing to trade freedoms for ‘security’ will end up with neither.”

 

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