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Beyond the US Price of Inequality
                       November 2013

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My review of Nobel laureate Stiglitz’s book The Price of Inequality: How Today’s Divided Society Endangers our Future, (Norton, 2012, 2013) begged some questions.


Stiglitz writes about the US for a US audience right now after the 2008 “Great Recession” as he calls it. His solutions to US excesses in the finance and banking community and for excessive inequality in income and wealth among US citizens made informative good sense to me and I’m sure he will resonate with progressives in other countries. But there is another level of inequality.


As Stiglitz of all US citizens knows from his time with the World Bank and from his books about making globalization work, the US sits in a wider global context. There is indeed a price of inequality, but global inequality amongst the nations of the world is also of concern. And global income and wealth inequality stands alongside other global concerns, not only the environment which Stiglitz recognizes for the US context, but also war and peace and nuclear weapons and population displacements. Stiglitz paints a bleak picture of the chances of wisdom and his science of economics dominating the US political scene of well-funded vested interests. I suspect the picture is even bleaker on the full global stage.


When one surveys the global political and economic mud flats, some of the early aggressive efforts to open borders to capital and trade of the Regan 1990s era take on some mildly redeeming features. Bankers and the rich 1 percent may have financially benefitted disproportionately, but there was another dominant policy interest. This was the time of the ending of the Soviet empire.  A host of newly independent states previously without market economies were emerging from Soviet economics. Borders were now open to the world for peoples who previously were not allowed to leave.  


In principle Stiglitz’s notion of what’s best for economic efficiency, that is allowing free movement of labour, was a possibility. But politically this will always bring its own problems. Mass population movements to faraway lands, whether of migrants or of refugees, do not help to build a new cohesive society.  Removing a major fraction of the population does not necessarily help. I for one feared more refugees than the very large numbers which were produced by conflicts in the Balkans in the early 1990s. Building these new European countries into trade, finance and political dialogues with the US and other trading states was an important way of building them into the global scene. Trade contact can develop mutual understandings between peoples. It likely helped these populations to develop viable new market economies so that most people could happily remain there in safety with work and their traditions.


Enabling development by trade and finance had been paved by initiatives of the US after WWII in Europe and in Japan, then in Korea and finally by President Nixon with China. Some of these overlap the periods referred to in Stiglitz analysis of policy evolution inside the US. The opening of trade with China, which led to a loss of manufacturing jobs in the US,  was the beginning of the end of the Cold War with the Soviet empire.  We do not know the details of the US China arrangement, but it was and is priceless within the wider goals of the US and its allies. There was and remains a global peace and evolution dimension. At the same time, these trade and financial initiatives reduced global inequality amongst several nation states. These results must factor into the equation concerning the price of inequality for US citizens in the US.


As an outsider, I note that other countries than the US pursued similar policies to open up finance and trade in the emerging new European market economies. Stiglitz is of course correct to note that other countries did not go as far as the US in policies which led to high internal inequality of income and wealth. But the opening up of markets to a flow of capital and trade seemed useful for swiftly building the former “outsider countries” into the wider European trading market. What Stiglitz says makes best sense for the US at this point in human society’s evolution after the Great Recession, may not have made most sense at these earlier points.


Two positive notes for Stiglitz from the current news: Stiglitz’s ideas might have an impact outside the US. Changing the world – except for the US – would not be a bad accomplishment. For example the business pages of the 15 November 2013 Globe & Mail reported “Switzerland’s 1:12 proposal on executive pay faces vote.” This would limit an executive’s pay to 12 times that of the lowest paid worker. The Globe adds: “Critics say the initiative, if passed, will make the country one of the least attractive places in the world to do business.” Is cost cutting bad for business? For whom will this be the least attractive country to do business? Not for shareholders. Not for most workers. (The proposal was reported voted down November 24th - pity!)


Stiglitz assumes the government must take initiatives, but sometimes the private sector can take on demonstration projects. For example it was heartening to read about IKEA and its aim for environmental leadership in the 15 November 2013 Globe & Mail. The Swedish retailer is owned by a foundation established by its founder and it has capped profits at 10% of revenue. It is working with suppliers of wood and cotton on more sustainable forestry and agricultural practices.  IKEA is making environmentalism a core business strategy. The company aims at 100 percent energy independence by 2020. It owns or is building 157 wind turbines. And it is putting solar panels on its roofs.  IKEA is not alone.


To sum up, the US government isn’t all there is. Governments are not all there is. And wider global factors such as building greater global equality must be there in the background for Stiglitz’s calculation of the price of equality in the US.  Yes, the US has big time economic inequality with all its costs, but some states in the wider family of nation states have moved closer to the US in overall national wealth. And I suggest US citizens, like the rest of us, will get some intangible peace and security benefit from that.


I say that because I think there is a related book yet to be written which explores the price of inequalities amongst nation states using the new post Great Recession economic insights. Yes, Stiglitz knows in his book preface of the link between gross internal inequalities and unfairnesses and the related regime changes in Libya and Tunisia. Related resentments arise between citizens of one nation state and those of another nation when the wealth of the other nation is extremely different from that of their own country. Thus there can be a price of inequality at the global level. Those of us in the “rich” zones of the world should take heed.

 

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