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Treaty People - An Indian Account
                       May 2014

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At the end of November 2013 the Canadian Council for Refugees (CCR) conference had a presentation by the head of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada and produced a resolution.  I recalled that the UN Human Rights Committee repeatedly ranked the treatment of the aboriginal peoples in Canada as Canada’s biggest human rights problem. So I bought a book about the aboriginal peoples and learned a little.


Make no mistake, Thomas King’s book The Inconvenient Indian: A curious account of native people in North America (2012) is special. It uses his special communication gifts to put devastating facts into light-hearted jokes. King gives a history of all of us “treaty peoples” from the perspective of a native person. I cannot do justice to his readability, humor and painful information. As he says, this is not a formal history. But it’s a good read with lots of hard information.


Chapter 1, Forget Columbus leaps from Columbus and all that to Almo, Idaho where a plaque tells of an 1861 massacre of 300 immigrants (“Whites” – King lumps all non-Indians together as the non-Indians have lumped all Indians together.). Only 5 survived. Other massacres included an 1813 Fort Mims Alabama massacre of 400 Whites by Creek Red Sticks. We notice numbers are much higher for Whites massacring Indians (his terms) from 1598 to 1980. King then reveals that no evidence supports the Almo massacre – it’s just a convenient story!  King moves to other stories – Pocahontas, for example. Then there are stories gathering mythic cults: the 1885 rebellion led by Louis Riel, a Metis Indian in Canada; and White General Custer’s last stand in the 1976 Battle of Bighorn, Montana, inspiring poets and painters. Other players in these events get little mention. Crazy Horse and Sitting Bull beat Custer. Dumont was alongside Riel in the last battle. Riel was hanged but Dumont escaped to Montana and continued Metis resistance.


Chapter 2, The End of the Trail The second chapter examines the mythical Indian of the Hollywood screen, the many important roles played by a surprisingly large number of Indian actors in Hollywood movies - and the like – many giving us archetypical Indians like Tonto in the Lone Ranger rather than members of named peoples.


Chapter 3, Too Heavy to Lift 
shifts the thinking into Dead Indians, Live Indians and Legal Indians. The Dead Indians are not deceased but stereotypes and clichés – with war bonnets, beaded shirts, loincloths and the like. Phil Fontaine (Ojibway) appeared in Dead Indian leathers and feather headdress on the floor of the House of Commons in 2008 to receive the Canadian Government’s apology for the abuses of residential schools. King cites a quote from Theodore Roosevelt 1886 who didn’t go so far as to say the only good Indian was a Dead Indian! Place names include:  Dead Indian Canyon CA, Dead Indian Pass WY and Dead Indian Lake, Oklahoma. Products promote Dead Indians: Big Chief Jerky; Tomahawk missiles and the egregious Crazy Horse Malt Liquor. There are Cherokee underpants and there is Land O’Lakes butter. There are remedies like White Beaver’s Cough Cream; Kickapoo Indian Sagwa. “You might think that Native people were a significant target for sales. We’re not, of course. We don’t buy this crap.”


He turns to Live Indians. Yes, diseases and the like from White arrivals killed upward of 80% of Indians on the Eastern seaboard. However there are still Live Indians – but seen transparently. Since Whites view Indians as Dead Indians, contemporary Indians appear unreal or phony.  Tribal names, Blackfoot, Navajo etc. don’t counter this authenticity gap because Whites can’t deal with the 600 Canadian and 550 US “recognized” tribes – they use one collective; aboriginals; natives; first nations.


Not all Live Indians are Legal Indians! In the 2006 Canadian census there were 565,000 Status Indians and 1,200,000 Status Indians  plus Inuit and Metis - about 50% of Indians in Canada. In the 2006 US census there were 564 “recognized” tribes accounting for about 950,000 Indians. The total US Indian population is likely 2.4 million, so those in recognized tribes account for about 40% of Indians.  The Legal Indians result from hard-paid peace treaties which granted them certain rights.


The Indian Act controlled Legal Indians in Canada from 1876 – adding restrictions over the years: 1881 preventing sale of agricultural produce; 1885 restricting religious songs and dances; 1905 removal from reserves too close to White settlements; 1911 allowing appropriation for public works like roads; and so on. Until 1968 Legal Indians could be “enfranchised” – involuntarily stripped of status and given Canadian Citizenship instead -- by getting a degree, serving in the military or becoming a lawyer or a clergyperson.


In the US Legal Indians are in tribes recognized by the Federal Government. Generally tribes define their membership and it is generally on the basis of blood quantum. Once enrolled in a tribe one is a Legal Indian. In the 50’s the US removed 107 tribes from the federal register. The 1953 Termination Act and Relocation Act allowed unilateral removal of tribes from the federal register and “encouraged” the relocation of the Indians involved to cities. North America cares about Dead Indians. Having Live Indians is problematic.


Chapter 4 One Name to Rule Them All begins with the sometimes heard “why didn’t we kill you all” and the western historical orthodoxy: In the beginning were Europeans who were enlightened and Indians who were not. They fought and traded and traded and fought.  After the 7 years war, the American Revolutionary War and the War of 1812 a hideous wilderness became two nation States – Canada and the US. There was a big line across the map dividing the lakes and trees – and Indians were in there rather like furniture.


Initial Indian/White relations were around commerce and military alliances where the Indians understood themselves to be sovereign.  By the late 1700s as European military forces gained the upper hand, Whites began to reimagine the place of Indian nations. Beginning in 1823 three US Supreme Court decisions confirmed unilateral decisions the US government had made, taking power from the Indians: Indians could only sell land to the US federal government; Indian tribes were not sovereign but domestic dependent nations; responsibility to regulate Indians was with the federal government. Canada formalized a similar relationship via the Indian Act 1876. Distinct tribes were ignored. There was one name to rule them all:  Indian.


Post 1800 gunboat diplomacy was replaced by “Plan A”: gunboats & treaty & removal & displacement. The US stopped signing treaties in 1871 and Canada began. The last Canadian treaty was with the Nisga in 2000.


The rationale for removal and relocation was Indian welfare. The assault on Indian land was greater in the US on account of large scale settlement. In 1802 Jefferson arranged to give Georgia Indian  land in the East in return for some Louisiana land purchase area in the West. In 1804 Governor Harrison of Indiana somehow got a small cohort of Sauk chiefs to cede all the tribe’s land in Illinois and Wisconsin. The Choctaw were bullied into the 1820 Treaty of Doak Stand and the Big Bear Cree bullied into signing Treaty Six in 1876.


The Removal Act was signed by US President Andrew Jackson in 1830. In 1831 the Choctaw were hustled out of Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana into Indian Territory. The Shawnee were dragged out of Ohio. In 1832 the Ottawa and the Wyandot followed, leaving Ohio free of Indians. By 1840 the majority of tribes East of the Mississippi had been moved West of the river into what would become Oklahoma. The Cherokee call the removal from Georgia the trail where they cried – some 4,000 out of 17,000 died on the trail. There were more removals with uncertain numbers in the range 75,000 – 100,000. They had massive impacts – breaking the backs of communities.


Canada did relocation for protection, civilization and assimilation. Most treaties were post 1940. In 1836 the Newash and Saugeen Ojibway were forced to give up 600,000 hectares south of Owen Sound and move to the Bruce Peninsula. Forever! But there were then further forcible moves to smaller parcels of land in 1851, 1857 and 1861. Similarly, in 1850 the Hudson’s Bay Company signed a treaty with the Songhees of Victoria Island. The Indians gave a large parcel of land for a smaller one – forever. But in 1859 citizens of Victoria wanted the Indians moved and in 1911 governments moved them to a reserve near Esquimalt. In 1935, the Metis of Ste Madeleine, Manitoba were removed following the Prairie Farm Rehabilitation Act – their houses burned and their community destroyed with no compensation.


In 1942, two thousand Mi’kmaq in scattered locations in Nova scotia were relocated into the two largest settlements . By 1944 10 news houses had been built there. By 1948 unemployment was rampant. Nonetheless other relocations continued into the 1950s and 60s. After WWII the growing North American economy called for hydro-electric projects which caused more relocations. The 1975 agreement with Cree and Inuit for the James Bay Project was the best of a bad situation for the Indians.


Chapter 5, We are Sorry, is about assimilation initiatives. Indian tribes were ignored at the signing of the 1783 Treaty of Paris which established the US. Yet the Treaty of Ghent which ended the 1812 war required the US to restore “all the possessions rights and privileges enjoyed in 1811 previous to such hostilities.” This was ignored. King says the Indian/White history was dominated by impulses to exterminate for natural law or manifest destiny or to assimilate for salvation and improvement.


In the 19th century extermination and assimilation came together – force of arms, deception, and missionary zeal. In the late 19th century Education was the tool to feed Indians to White civilization and in 1982 Pratt opened the first residential school in Carlisle. Catholics and Protestants battled to establish schools on reserves and reservations. Pratt wanted residential schools off reservation – as far off as possible. The school forbade native traditions and languages and trained Indians for vocations – baking and the like.


In 1909 there were 25 residential schools in the US plus 157 on-reservation boarding schools and 307 day schools. At age 15 King went to a Christian Brothers Catholic school in Sacramento California with harsh discipline. He has no fond memories from 2 years there, but it was not the typical bad experience. In Canada schools appeared in the 1840s and by 1932 there were more than 80 -- 60% of them Catholic, 30% Anglican. From 1850 attendance was compulsory ages 6 to 15, with no family or home community contact and no native languages. In both countries schools were overcrowded. There was disease and sexual and physical abuse. In 1907 a mortality rate of 30% was reported for BC and 50% for Alberta. In 1928 a damning report was issued on US boarding schools – diet, disease, overcrowding and poor medical services.


Canada’s Hawthorne Report addressed the same questions in 1966 and concluded that whether Indians remained culturally separate depended on what it was worth to them. And the report measures critically Indians’ use of the resources available to them by White capitalist standards. King points out that the schools were not a “tragedy”, they were a policy. The conditions were known and nothing was done. Measured like a virulent disease, the mortality rate ranks the schools with Ebola. The 1918 Spanish flu had only a 20% mortality rate.


The end of the 20th century brought a rash of apologies: churches; the Federal Minister; the Pope expressed “sorrow” and the Prime Minister apologized in parliament in 2008 – just for the residential schools, not for the treaty violations. In the US, Congress issued an apology resolution in 2009, but there was no ceremony - and a rider says no liability. There is no firm purpose of amendment. Paternalism towards Indians continues. They are told to stand on their own without government generosities. King supposes this should be in the same way Air Canada, AIG, Bombardier, Halliburton, General Motors and the Alberta Tar Sands Project manage on their own.  Enron, World Com, Bre-X and Bear Stearns too - but then these were more greed than incompetence, “Weren’t they?”, he says.


Chapter 6 Like Cowboys and Indians looks at institutionalized injustice towards Indians. The 1887 US General Allotment Act aimed at assimilation. Whites own land individually – Indians own it collectively. The Act aimed to break reservations into pieces – for individual Indians. It liquidated the reservations in Oaklahoma and many in Kansas, Nebraska, North and South Dakota, Wyoming, Montana, New Mexico, Oregon and Washington and gave surplus land to white settlers. They decided what each Indian “needed” of the land and took the rest! The US 1934 Indian Reorganization Act  aimed to return surplus land to the tribes and aimed to allow Indians a measure of self-governance, but was never fully effective and with WWII in 1939, things began to revert.


“Termination” became the US policy with the 1953 House Concurrent Resolution 108 which aimed to abrogate all treaties and abolish federal supervision of the tribes. Public Law 280 allowed states to assume control. Before the policy’s end in 1966, 109 tribes had been terminated and another million acres of Indian land lost. Canada explored this approach. But it did not become law.


King describes his attempt to stay in New Zealand in the late 1960s, and also relates his experience with activism. He was part of the 1969 occupation of Alcatraz. Alcatraz, the media event, became an emblem of Native resistance and pride. On June 10, 1971 federal agents and police removed the last 15 people. The American Indian Movement, AIM, continued. From its beginning in the Twin Cities, it was a loosely managed group of Native men and women who had had enough. None of the major confrontations or occupations was planned as such. In 1972 a car caravan went to Washington DC for sovereignty and treaty rights, and to draw attention to poverty on reservations just prior to presidential elections.  The Indians marched on the Bureau of Indian Affairs, took over the building and for 7 days ransacked it. In early 1973 AIM went to a Lakota reservation in internal conflict – Pine Ridge – and occupied the village of Wounded Knee. A siege followed. Support was more grass roots and more militant. Supplies were dropped in. Others, including King, tried to help. The siege lasted 71 days. AIM has been seen as the first militant Indian body and it got international attention.


In Canada there were a series of short lived pan-Canada Indian associations from 1919 up to the current Assembly of First Nations which, like the National Congress of American Indians in the US, has many but not all tribes as members. These are the biggest groups.

AIM peaked. By 1990, most of its leadership was in jail or had had their lives destroyed by government sanctions – legal and illegal. “Were there ways to frame Native concerns other than with demonstrations, confrontations, and, on occasion, violence? No.”


Chapter 7 Forget about it says to set aside any issues before 1985, but in doing so manages to name a few!  He acknowledges Indians are not fault free – and he gives insight into the Cherokee and the place of Freedmen. In 1985 Bill C31 amended the Indian Act so that Native women who had lost status through marriage could have it re-instated. Whom you married no longer affected your status, but it affected your children. If you married out of status for two generations the children would not be status Indians. The 1991 Royal Commission made good recommendations, but was shelved. Meech Lake in 1987 ignored First Nations and was defeated – by Elijah Harper, an Indian MPP in Manitoba who refused to join a needed unanimous vote to allow it to be dealt with before the June 1990 deadline. In 1992, the Charlottetown Accord did include Native peoples, but was narrowly defeated in public referendum – 49.6% : 50.4 %.


In the US the 1990 North American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act restored cultural artefacts, and post 1985 a slew of land claims were settled and Native gaming became an issue. The Supreme Court ruled states couldn’t tax Indians on reservations nor regulate activities there. Other cases confirmed tribes could develop gambling on tribal land. However states, federal government, and private interests ganged up to ensure “compromise” and Congress passed the 1988 Indian Gaming Regulatory Act – basically adding control to casino- type gambling. King is ambivalent. There are 15 Native-run casinos in Canada and 359 casinos and bingo halls in 30 states bringing in $25 billion a year,  and states get some of that. But there has been White reaction – groups like CERA attack federal Indian policy to protect the supposed injured group – Whites.


In 2007 a young woman at Tim Horton’s Lethbridge put a notice on the window “No drunk Indians.” She said it was a joke. Drunks are a problem but there were more White drunks than Indian drunks in Lethbridge on Friday and Saturday nights. Whites are invisible and some drunk Whites are accepted: James Stewart, Marilyn Monroe, Britney Spiers, Winston Churchill, John A Macdonald, Boris Yeltsin. They can make their mistakes as individuals not as representatives of an entire race.


Racism is endemic and it is in institutions which should protect.  It took 16 years for police to investigate the 1971 beating, rape and stabbing of a 19 year old Cree woman in Le Pas Manitoba. In 1990 a young Indian man was found frozen to death by the road on the outskirts of Saskatoon; he had been seen handcuffed inside a police cruiser. In 2000, another Indian man was dropped similarly but he managed to walk to a power plant and survived. Another two young Indian men were found dead in 2000. They too had been dropped off in extreme cold outskirts by Saskatoon police. After an investigation, two officers were fired, two were put in jail for 8 months but released early. This recalls the “disposable” attitude in the early history of the treatment of Indians.


Chapter 8 What do Indians Want begins - “a future” and continues “predicated by sovereignty.” Jeffrey Simpson argued in the Globe and Mail that sovereignty made little sense for small groups of people. Yet sovereignty with all its uncertainties is embedded in the US constitution and two centuries of law. It is the hand dealt to Indians in North America. Moreover, Navajo in the Southwest, Blackfoot in Alberta and Mohawk in Canada and the US have been running their affairs – health, education and housing – for some time.  Ottawa and Washington have been happy to download – keeping control of the budgets and regulations and avoiding the liabilities.


There are many contrary White voices. US Senator Gorton, R Washington, tried to get amendments along the lines of abrogating treaties, and Fleming made such a position part of the Washington State Republican platform. In Canada, Thomas Flanagan of U of Calgary and an adviser to Stephen Harper called for dissolution of reserves and treaty status. The reasoning is as attractive as it is simplistic – it avoids negotiation. Historically, the treaty abrogation approach was bad for Whites and Indians.


Focusing on a practical and crucial sovereignty King suggests membership and resource development are the keys for today. He discusses how granting band membership, a right which most bands have, is given by various bands based on “blood quantum.” King notes the tendency to limit membership. He hopes this sovereignty will be used wisely.


With respect to resources, land use has been limited and sometimes disquieting – use as garbage dumps for example. Much of their land is desert, but since the 1940’s the Navajo have been involved in Uranium mining for the US Atomic Energy Commission and coal mining. Costs to health and environment were known, but not made clear to the Navajo. In July 1976 a dam of the United Nuclear Corporation at Church Rock, New Mexico on the edge of the Navajo reservation collapsed, and 1,100 tons of radioactive waste and 93 million gallons of mine effluent poured into the Puerco River contaminating the river and water supply. This was a bigger ecological disaster than 3-mile Island. When the Navajo stopped processing on the reservation in 2005, they had a deadly legacy from their efforts to create an economy from Uranium. Coal accounts for a huge fraction of their budget and provides jobs. The Four Corners power plant is an ecological nightmare – no other US power plant puts so many pollutants into the air.


King has great concerns about land use for mining and landfills because they are short-lived projects. A number of tribes are engaged in demonstration projects around renewable energy and some are in transition to industries – which brings us to gaming and tourism. King notes the downside to gaming and resorts, but adds an unexpected “upside.” Members of tribes are investing – but they are also buying land and asking the US government to add the purchased land to their reserve, for example the Oneida in upstate New York, the Shakopee in Minnesota and the Cherokee in Oklahoma. Local reaction has been largely negative. So far reserves in Canada have not followed this pattern.


Chapter 9, As long as the grass is green, begins with the question: what do Indians want? King says the better question is: what do Whites want? They want gold from the Black Hills; hydro-electric power from James Bay; in a word – the land. All the removals, terminations, relocations were about relieving Indians of their land base. King says Indians have a special feeling about land whereas White society sees it as a commodity. The Alberta Tar Sands project reflects a non-Native view of land. It is the dirtiest, most environmentally insane energy project in North America. When money is involved, no one comes forward to say “enough.” So there are toxic tailing ponds waiting to empty into the Athabasca River, and slowly decomposing towers of blocks of sulphur. The projects go on and pipelines are built to ship out the crude.


In 1868 the Lakota signed a treaty that the army would ensure the Black Hills remained Lakota territory. In 1874, gold was found in the Black Hills. In 1875 the Lakota called on the President to enforce the treaty. Instead, they were offered $25,000. The offer was never accepted. Yet the gold was mined. The Six Grandfathers peaks became a tourist attraction – Mount Rushmore – sculptured to resemble US presidents. In 1980 the Supreme Court ruled the Black Hills had been illegally taken – but ordered that the purchase price plus interest ($106 million) be paid. The Lakota still want the Black Hills back and the money remains un-transferred, bearing interest. True, the Navajo and Crow have leases to strip mine coal, the Cree in Quebec agreed to the hydroelectric dam, tribes in NW BC have used their fishing rights. But the Tar Sands is still hard to imagine as an Indian development.


Indian land is viewed as federal land on indefinite loan to Indians, but the early treaties were clear about Indians and land and they were associated with the old promise “as long as the grass is green and the waters run.” This ancient line was used at least by Andrew Jackson. King muses on creating a possible “Treaty Day” since treaties have been successful in getting Indians off their land- but notes that the problem is less the treaties themselves than the honoring of them. Canada has claimed artic land as Canadian on the backs of native peoples. He gives six stories to illustrate the history of land.

    One. In 1942 Canada looked for a military training place – and found Stony Point Ojibway reserve in Ontario – the government confiscated the land promising to return it – Ipperwash. In 1996 35 Ojibway took over the park which among other incidents led to Dudley George’s death. In a discussion with a government official he was given a lecture on why the land  wouldn’t be given back – when all that was needed was for the government to clean the place up from military leftovers and return it. Efforts to do that were begun in 2007 but as of 2012 the land had not been given back.
    Two. The Kinzua Dam in Allegheny National Forest, Pennsylvania was built 1960-1965 on Seneca treaty land without their permission or consultation. The Seneca used the courts. Then they hired an engineer to find an alternative site – but the army corps of engineers did not want to change their plans. And Congress let the dam flood the Seneca.
    Three. In 1717 France sold land which was Mohawk territory to the Sulpician Missionary Society. In 1868 a Mohawk chief asked for the return. In 1936 the Supicians sold the land and left. In 1959 a 9-hole golf course was built on the land next to the Mohawk cemetery. During protracted court proceedings the golf course opened and finally in 1977 the Mohawk submitted a land claim which was rejected 9 years later. In 1989 the mayor of Oka announced an expansion to an 18-hole golf course and condominiums requiring more of their land plus a forest known as the Pines. In March 1990, Natives began occupying the Pines and the cemetery. In July, with a dead policeman and a dead Mohawk and an extra 2,500 Surete forces, the Oka crisis was underway. In 1997 the federal government quietly purchased the land and “gave” it to the Mohawks.
    Four. In 1854 the Treaty of Medicine Creek took good farming land for $32,500 from the Nisqually, Puyallup, Steilacoom and Squashik under pressure and with conflict. They had continuing treaty rights to fish, and rights from 1905 and 1919 court decisions. In 1945 an Indian youth was arrested for fishing and for 29 years Washington ignored the treaty and court rulings. The Indians began “fish-ins.” State courts questioned any Native rights. Actors and celebrities weighed in. By 1970 a Native fishing village had been bulldozed and the federal government moved in with America v Washington State.  The Supreme Court  ruled the Indians had fishing rights plus the right to half the fish. However, salmon have subsequently been in decline.
    Five. Another golf course story was set near Vancouver where the federal government leased the land for a desired golf club – but at a lower rate than surrounding land so the Indians made less. When the lease was up, Whites who had bought into the development with cheap leases  were angered by efforts to move to market value. The controversies ended up at the Supreme Court, which ruled that for leases the land is worth 50% of market but it sells at market. More fireworks can be expected when the leases expire and the land reverts to the Musqueam around 2033.
    Six. Carson National Forest, New Mexico, was created by Theodore Roosevelt in 1906 by confiscating 50,000 acres of Taos Pueblo land which included the sacred Blue Lake. The lake was then stocked with trout and a trail was made to it. The Taos protested. In 1924 the Taos were offered cash, but they asked for the lake and adjacent land. In 1934, the Indian Reorganization Act granted them that, but the bureaucracy stalled and only issued permission for 3 days annually in August. Finally, in 1970, Nixon gave them back most of their land.


Chapter 10 Happily Ever After aims to describe the two largest land claim settlements, but begins with a third recent positive outcome for Indians. In 1983 BC logging interests got a permit to log Meares Island, which led to resistance and a court injunction on logging until land claims were resolved. Logging then turned to Haida Gwaii and Lyell Island. Again there was a blockade – for 21 months. Then in 1987 Ottawa and BC signed an agreement creating the Gwaii Haanas National Park Reserve and Haida Heritage Site.


The Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act managed a somewhat conventional Treaty but with a more generous settlement in share of land (44 million acres) and cash ($973 million). In 1971 the Alaska Federation of Natives agreed to support the Act and to take the land as fee simple. The paternalism of the Bureau of Indian Affairs had been resented, yet fee simple brings the danger of loss of land and scattering of the people. This is in part addressed by collective controls in the agreement. The land and money was put into 12 Native regional corporations. The land came with surface and subsurface rights. By 2011 some Indians did not remember their tribe but they knew their corporation – the new reservation! The danger of corporations is that there is pressure to act like other corporations in raising capital by mortgaging land yet this is not possible for such Native corporations.  In his book about this settlement Canadian Thomas Berger wrote in favour of returning village corporations to tribal ownership of the land.  King agrees.


The Nunavit Land Claim Agreement was passed by Ottawa in 1993 and in 1999 a new Territory came into being. Typically, Inuit relinquish all rights in return for those in the agreement – which gave them the Territory status they had worked towards. Only 10% of land is fee simple, the rest is held by the crown in trust for Inuit. Inuit are 85% of the population and they are the government. There is an issue about the language, which is supposedly of equal status to English. There are problems with education and enough professionals to fill high level positions of government and the like.


King concludes noting that both the Alaska and Nunavit agreements could be revisited if they don’t work, and concludes by rejecting the simple notion that history happened and you can’t blame me for what my grandfather did. Those making the decisions had information and knew potential outcomes and were not gambling with their money and their children. The problem is an unexamined confidence in Western civilization, an unwarranted certainty of Christianity, and arrogance. He rises to an uncomfortable heroic climax with “native cultures have already proven themselves to be remarkably tenacious and resilient,” but then climbs down to join us at an Indians-are-human-too level: “We live in modern lives informed by traditional values and contemporary realities … we wish to live those lives on our terms.”


So there - I read it! I’m sure another perspective is possible on all the stories that make up the history King has given, but his is the Indian perspective I wanted and it stands. King suggests those reacting to his account should not protest that it wasn’t they and they can’t just say “what’s done is done let’s get on.” Presumably they can’t object as I do that their frame of reference is different, that they are individual persons belonging to the place where they happen to live, and that they are not just another member of the one White tribe seen by the Indian.


Yet truth to tell I really don’t feel part of things that were done by non-Indian people to Indian peoples in North America any more than I feel responsible for the BP Gulf oil spill because I was born in the UK. I do feel some sense of guilt. But I have trouble knowing why, or where to go and what to do about that. I am linked by my birthplace but I don’t feel it ties me to what British and then Canadian dominant groups did with Indian peoples. My family history indicates that my family had little say in the affairs of the State. Rather my family was among those nameless people pushed around rather than among those named and doing the pushing. In my lifetime I have opposed much of what the dominant forces in my so called White society did. As can be seen, I have trouble responding to the book’s information.


Yet neither King nor I can just say bygones are bygones let’s all move on. At the same time I don’t feel I can be held personally accountable for what happened either. I can imagine how from an Indian perspective I belong to the category of non-Indian and so I am seen as one of “them.”  But from my side I can’t feel I belong to that tribe which took those actions. King recognizes some individual Whites care about the land. But I don’t think it’s enough.  I feel some empathy with Indians as one of a small community of homeowners whom developers forced to sell their houses in North York to build high rises to make money. It’s hard to feel a share of blame for all that “Whites” – that one name to shame them all - have done. And I’m at a loss as to what I can do about it.


Perhaps we might begin to understand each other a bit. But our predicament seems to be one of those human situations that we run into with our nuclear families, where there is just no quick fix. We just have to find ways of living on with unresolvable wrongs and shame.

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