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Citizenship - a Casualty of the War on Terror?
                       June 2014

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Canadian citizenship is a right which can be more easily lost since June 16th, 2014 when Bill C-24 passed into law. Alex Neve of Amnesty International said the new citizenship bill was "divisive, discriminatory, retrograde and profoundly unfair."


Citizenship is a right in the UN Covenant on Civil and Political Rights - a treaty ratified by Canada. The right to nationality is a right in the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man and so incumbent on all OAS member states including Canada. Key safeguards for this important right are the a right to fair trial and the right to effective legal remedy which are impaired by Bill C-24. A vague allusion to potential for terrorism is invoked to justify this.


The Canadian Association of Refugee Lawyers told parliament’s committee on May 5 2014: “Gone is the appeal as of right. Instead a person whose citizenship is revoked will have to apply to the Federal Court for permission to start an appeal. And of course, under basic legal principles the Federal Court will be required to defer to the views of the Minister and will be reluctant to disagree with the Minister’s assessment of the evidence, so the scope of any review by the Courts will be very limited indeed. Fair judicial process for revocation has been replaced by Ministerial discretion. This process mimics the present process for permanent residents who wish to access judicial review, and demonstrates again the way in which citizenship has been downgraded to a form of permanent resident status.”


Adjudication of the right to citizenship is not a simple matter as the Nottebohm Case at the  International Court of Justice showed in 1955. Nottebohm was German born, obtained Lichtenstein citizenship, but lived and worked for over 30 years in Guatemala. Guatemala arrested, detained, expelled and refused to readmit Mr. Nottebohm and seized and retained his property without compensation. Lichtenstein argued this was in breach of obligations under international law. The ICJ found that Lichtenstein could not argue for Nottebohm because his Lichtenstein nationality had been purchased and was not validated by serious ties with that country. Family and other links to a country are an essential part of citizenship from an international perspective. By implication, the ICJ suggested that Guatemala was Nottebohm's country. On that basis he should have had the citizen's automatic right of re-entry. Following the ICJ ruling, Canada cannot claim that its citizenship law should be recognized by any other country unless it conforms with the international norm of citizenship based on an effective link between Canada and the individual. A Canadian view of a link to terrorism is not all there is to be considered when removing citizenship!


There are alternatives to citizenship removal on account of terrorist links which do not discriminate among naturalized and native-born citizens.
On June 22nd the Globe and Mail published a major feature on the front of its Insight pages “Terrorist or Big Talker” about the conviction of Hersi under Canada’s new anti-terror provisions. “A jury ruled he was preparing to join Al Shabab, but the case leaves behind a trail of questions.”  The CBC told the story on June 25 in its morning news. I think this is as good as it can get – a trial. Yet even after a public trial the Globe article found the jury ruling questionable.  And the article notes Mohamed Hersi was born in Somalia but came to Canada in 1998. That means he came at age 12 and studied in Canada during his formative teenage years.  We can note that under the new citizenship law, after serving his sentence he will qualify for citizenship removal, something a citizen born in Canada could not face. After that he could also face deportation to Somalia. The fair trial can make sense. But removing citizenship and deporting after a trial and a sentence would make no sense, as I argued some years ago about the controversial process then of deporting of permanent residents with criminal records.


A decade or so ago Canada was busy deporting back to Jamaica quite a number of young Canadian permanent residents who had come from Jamaica as children and who had later been  convicted of “serious crimes.”  This was after they had served the normal sentence for their crime. Immigrants from Jamaica had brought their small children. Some of the children became criminalized during their Canadian education and upbringing.  Essentially these were young men of 19 -22 whose country was Canada but who had been convicted of a serious crime and then discovered they, or their parents for them, had not obtained Canadian citizenship.  As a result of a conviction, the government could deport a permanent resident, who had served the normal sentence for the crime, away from family and friends back to Jamaica. Jamaica was a country ill-equipped to handle criminalized young men who were essentially Canadian and whose families were back in Canada. It seemed to me then that a youth who turned to crime in Canada was Canada’s problem – not Jamaica’s. Deportation did not seem to be any solution. It was simply passing Canada’s Canada-made problem to another country.  I feel the same way about the new possibility of deporting citizens who have engaged in activity associated with Canada’s definitions around the theme of terrorism.  


Accounts of current cases involving the UK show how very differently the UK’s current citizenship-stripping law plays out.  It is not stripping citizenship for deporting.  More insidiously, it is stripping citizenship to “lock out” the former citizen. This is reminiscent of what Guatemala did to Nottebohm in the ICJ Case mentioned above. On June 22nd Kevin McLeod circulated by email to the Canadian Council for Refugees (CCR) listserve an article from The Nation dated May 21st 2014. Mahdi Hashi, 24 yrs, was in a cell in Metropolitan Correctional Centre, Manhatten. His family had moved to London UK from Somalia when he was 6 years old and he had become a citizen. At 19, when he was returning from a trip abroad, the UK’s security agency MI5 asked him to become an informant. His refusal was in the media at that time. He moved back to Somalia to escape related harassment by UK authorities, married there and had a son.


In 2012 Hashi’s family in the UK was told their son’s citizenship had been revoked on account of his being involved in Islamic extremism. “According to the elder Mr. Hashi, after his son heard about the deprivation order  from his family he decided to travel to the British consulate in neighboring Djibouti in  the hope of lodging an appeal. Individuals have only twenty-eight days to contest a revocation, a very short window of time particularly since most individuals are outside of the UK when they receive notice. The Bureau of Investigative Journalism (TBIJ), a British nonprofit, recently revealed that the home secretary has even waited for a suspected individual to leave the UK before issuing a deprivation order.”  Challenging this is difficult. Deprivation orders are civil actions so the burden of proof is less than for a criminal charge. The UK judge has only to establish that the individual is more likely than not to pose a threat to British interests. Proceedings occur in the Special Immigration Appeals Commission, a UK court where a person can be denied access to ‘sensitive’ material l -- even if the secret evidence is what purports to demonstrate the alleged extremist activities. The Canadian legislation which came into law June 16, 2014 seems to use this approach of reduced legal safeguards.


In the summer of 2012 Hashi disappeared. His account is that he was arrested in Djibouti and interrogated by US CIA and FBI agents. Several months later he appeared in New York on terrorism-related charges. The Nation found he was flown to the US in November 2012 under a false name. The Nation says that “Hashi’s case is one of several in which Britons received deprivation letters, only to later face sinister action at the hands of the US government.” The Nation believes that the UK collaborates with the US and that the stripping of citizenship takes pressure off the UK government. It is, of course, unconscionable to pass one’s citizen into the hands of another power in places where allegations of terrorist activity can lead to torture or cruel treatment without a full examination of the evidence by a court. It is equally unconscionable to allow one’s citizens to be interrogated in situations where torture or cruel treatment will be used to obtain evidence, likely secret evidence, for future trials.


Note that freedom of movement - the right to return to one’s country - applies only to a citizen under current Canadian law. A lack of citizenship, when a person is outside Canada, or deported from Canada,  brings a lack of right to return to the country and hence a lack of access to an effective remedy.


The consequences of UK citizenship stripping as reported are significant for the individual. This means that the due process for  denying the right must be correspondingly effective so that the reduced due process would be illegal. The corresponding use of Canadian citizenship stripping is likely to be illegal too. Citizenship is a right. The right is central to the right to freedom of movement which provides a citizen with the right to enter his or her country.  Several other subsequent rights are then contingent on citizenship. Safety becomes an issue when citizenship is revoked in the name of terrorist association. The consequential effect on many other rights increases the significance of a revocation of citizenship. In the Americas impairing such a right require a simple effective court remedy which protects the individual - a remedy like the old UK Habeas Corpus. To have an effective remedy when one’s citizenship is stripped at least requires an independent and impartial tribunal. I argue there must be a court appeal capable of putting itself between the individual and the authorities so as to protect the individual's right. The individual also has the right to an effective remedy – one which is effective in his or her particular situation – even if that situation is abandonment overseas. One hopes that the international human rights bodies will eventually weigh in on the despicable UK practice.


On this matter of an effective remedy, the UK Hashi case differs significantly from the older Canadian practice of deportation of young Canadian permanent residents to Jamaica after a criminal conviction. In the deportation case there is a legal remedy which can be effective. A deportation order can still be contested from within their country – Canada -- before deportation happens.  I still complain about the inadequacy of the legal remedy, but it can be a remedy. And I still think that the addition of  deportation after one has paid the sentence for one's crime is an unfair and discriminatory. It is an ”extra sentence” as compared with the sentences of citizens similarly convicted. Still, deportation can sometimes be prevented.


The June 22 Canadian case in the Globe & Mail about Mohammed  Hersi  is also different. He had a trial and was convicted by a jury of “preparing to join Al Shabab.” He was apprehended as – he says – he was about to leave Canada to study Arabic in Cairo. He was at that time, and is still, in Canada. He remains a citizen for now.  True, there was no evidence of active involvement in terrorism – just some talk with an under-cover policeman and some related evidence that he was thinking about a terrorist organization. (Indeed, this Canadian case seems a bit like a show trial around the new anti-terrorism provisions, coinciding conveniently to appear to add support to the revisions to the Citizenship Act.)  Yet even if it offends for a jury to convict someone largely for just talking about a terrorist organization, the circumstances seem less offensive than those in the British Hashi case.


In the UK case, the UK gave Hashi no trial. The UK just used its citizenship stripping law. In the contrasting Canadian Hersi case, Hersi was prevented from going to Cairo so that any thought of having his citizenship stripped while he was there did not arise. Canada took responsibility to deal with the activities of this citizen. He had a trial under new anti-terrorism provisions. Since he didn’t go to Cairo he couldn’t get involved in anything there and Canada could argue that this was preventative of further terrorism. The Globe finds the jury decision debatable.  For me it would not be surprising for a jury to err on the safe side of not risking terrorist activity, rather than erring on the side of giving Hersi the benefit of the doubt.  Hersi will have to serve a sentence.  It could be wrongful conviction, but it could be a preventative act.  


Nonetheless, under the new Citizenship law, after Hersi has served his sentence, an official will have the discretion to decide whether or not to strip citizenship and then whether or not to deport. As with the older practice of deporting permanent residents after they had served a sentence, why do it?  I don’t get the point. And if there are moves to deport citizen Hersi, he could try to resist while still in Canada. Since countries collude in such matters, it could only be a matter of time before Canada uses the devastating UK ploy of quietly stripping citizenship once the citizen has left the country for travel or study or work.


Citizenship is a fundamental right, and is especially significant as a "home"  in an era of travel for study and work.  Other rights including the right to return to one’s country stem from it.  Once a citizen, always a citizen.  Citizenship should not go away because a child grows up and commits crimes or has bad associations. Anyone who has citizenship – as a result of being born in the country or not -- should face similar punishments for similar activities -- no more and no less. If citizenship is to be removed because it was obtained through fraudulent naturalization, then the due process - the fair trial and meaningful appeal examining the matter – must offer an effective remedy for a potentially wrongful removal of citizenship for that individual in whatever that individual’s circumstances are. So mark down the Citizenship Act for revisions when justice next rolls down like a mighty river!

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