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The US Christian Right - A faith for All or for "Us?"
                                                June 2017


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A chance look at a “pick up” library, and for $1 I owned a copy of American Fascists: the Christian Right and the War on America, a book by Chris Hedges from 2006 and the era of President George W. Bush. It is a scary book about people dedicated to infiltrating and dominating American society with their particular set of religious beliefs - absolute truth selected from a Christian bible. The read made me think again about pluses and minuses of people of faith for my Easter of 2017. It made me worried about how the bible can be selectively read to produce a dangerous religion dominating “the poor” in a society that the prophetic tradition was most concerned about.

 

Hedges completed Harvard seminary for Presbyterian Ministers but became a successful newspaper foreign correspondent and a writer. His target in this book is dominionism: “that, like all fascist movements, [has] a belief in magic along with leadership adoration and a strident call for moral and physical supremacy of a master race, in this case American Christians.” The sect looks to the theocracy of John Calvin’s Geneva in the 1500s for its political model. It believes American Christians have been mandated by God to make America a Christian State. All political and intellectual opponents are viewed as Satan. Hedges writes that this America will be a nation:

 

“in which the 10 commandments form the basis of our legal system, creationism and ‘Christian values’ form the basis of our educational system, and the media and the government proclaim the Good News to one and all. Labour unions, civil rights laws and public schools will be abolished … etc.”

 

And Hedges goes on to show how media networks and political figures are made to work within this belief system. To me, it sounds rather like a Christian equivalent of Islamic State. In my article Volf again August 2016, I reported Volf’s call for politically active Christians within a wider society of religious pluralism. This came from Volf’s experience of wars in Bosnia and Croatia. Hedges notes in his book, the only thing that cannot be tolerated by society at large is the lack of toleration by some social group. Caring Christians and Muslims have found that tolerant pluralistic societies work – whether Muslim society in North Africa making a place for Jewish refugees force to flee from the newly declared Christian Spain in the fifteenth century, or European society receiving Muslim refugees fleeing from the war torn Middle East in 2016.

 

Not only is the Christian religious language subverted, but American nationalist language is subverted too. Hedges writes powerfully in his first chapter on faith, giving his faith and theirs. In his childhood, he says:

 

“We took the bible seriously and therefore could not take it literally.” “The four Gospels … were full of factual contradictions.”  “There are three separate and different versions of the 10 Commandments …” “Is God loving or vengeful?” “The book of Revelation, a crucial text for the radical Christian Right, appears to show Christ returning at the head of an avenging army. It is one of the few places … where Christ is associated with violence.”

 

The book of Revelation was omitted from early canons, and Martin Luther relegated it to the back of the bible. Hedges notes that “cherry picking” of texts is always possible for any Christian group. But bigots can choose really hateful passages. Churches should not stand aside from challenging the authority of such hateful passages, given the many other passages with very different messages. Amen to that!

 

Hedges writes with understanding and respect about an Ohio woman who has escaped from what he calls a “culture of despair.” The departure of manufacturing jobs from the US “rust belt” turned steel towns into wastelands of poverty and urban decay. The woman is one of the dispossessed; the tens of millions of working poor left in jobs that pay half what is minimally needed after former decent middle class jobs were automated or just moved out. Her childhood was a combination of abuse, shame, guilt, depression and despair, with family violence and sexual abuse. She had an abortion as a teenager. As part of her conversion to Christianity she became active in the movement to ban abortion. She has found meaning, relief from her past experience, and a decent family life. Hedges notes that the Christian Right can make lost individuals whole. It brings a moral clarity, and also a promise to exterminate the forces that brought the experience of despair when the vengeful Christ of the book of Revelation returns.

 

On the other hand, Hedges points out that the bleakness of life in Ohio shows that it is a myth of the Christian Right that in such states alone are family values and piety nurtured and protected. These Republican States have large evangelical populations, but higher rates of murder and higher illegitimate births than the Democratic States. The lowest divorce rate is in Massachusetts. Loss of manufacturing in, for example, Ohio has been compounded by cuts to assistance programs and to elementary and secondary school programs. This is compounded by a belief that the hardship is the poor’s own fault – (Hedges’ converted woman with the Christian Right says: “the men don’t work” … “they just live on the woman’s welfare check.”) Any redress is limited to acts of individual charity.

 

There is a saddening chapter about the leadership, training and literature devoted to the conversion process. This has little to do with compassion or caring about improving a person’s lot, but rather preying on the weakness of the desperate to increase the numbers of people following the dictates of the group.

 

Hedges has a chapter about the cult of masculinity with a hierarchy from God. Within the cult comes a need for conformity with the cult and the hierarchy and evangelizers are not afraid to use fear of the “rapture” – the coming of Christ the avenger with the sudden elevation of the chosen to heaven and abrupt dispatching of the rest to unending torture. He uses a dialogue with a former evangelical youth trainer, now a family therapist outside the Christian Right, to tell her story of being drawn into the church system and then being disillusioned. Women and children have a designated place in a scheme driven by the fear of the rapture.

 

A chapter on persecution shows how a Christian movement is focused on homosexuality and imposing its “truth” about gays and “curing” gays. Somehow the movement manages to reverse logic. The movement is represented as being persecuted by all these people who do not want to know the “truth.” The movement cannot see gays as persecuted by the movement. Meanwhile gays and their supporters just want people to be who they are. Evangelicals are told to fight to resist all those out there who persecute them for their views and their work.

 

“The War on Truth” is a chapter that begins with the issue of creationism, to show how those within the movement use their own colleges to produce their own “Drs” to write papers and pamphlets supporting creationism, that will be published by their own publishers, promoted by their own media, and sold in their own “creationist” theme parks that mimic public museums and historic parks. There are also creationist experts - “Drs” from public colleges who hid their embedded creationist views during the degree program. Hardly a search for truth – war is the right word.

 

A new class has emerged made of celebrity and plutocrat Christians that fuses with a consumer society where lives and opinions of entertainers, the rich and the powerful are news. It is the divine sanction of the free market, of unhindered profit and the cruelties of globalization. The new class seeks to reduce the American working class to serfdom by a gospel of prosperity, raw global capitalism, the flaunting of wealth and privilege supposedly blessed by Jesus Christ. Compassion is private little acts of charity or left to churches. Enlightenment views that were once prized have been twisted away. And Hedges reminds the reader of the earlier ties of some Christian Right leaders with racist movements.

 

The chapter “Crusade” reveals how Christian revival meetings are thinly disguised campaign events for Christian candidates who are expected to promote the movement’s views from public office.  Rhetoric creates a sense of Christians under siege. Those who do not conform to the ideology are slowly dehumanized so that those within the circle can know compassion but those outside can be abused, silenced and stripped of rights.  For now, the Christian right is still obliged to fight within the system it seeks to destroy.

 

A depressing chapter describes Trinity Broadcasting, the world’s largest televangelist organization.  There are riches for its leadership – seen as proof of God’s blessing, tearful stories about answered prayers, with warnings that those who do not support the ministry will see God turn against them. Constant appeals for money and tales of angels and healing and miracles. All this undermines any residual critical thought and “makes the magic, mythology and irrationality of the Christian Right palatable.” “Television … allows viewers to preoccupy themselves with context-free information.” Hedges tells of the sad side. When trust in the magic of God is all you need, there is no need for fiscal or social responsibilities, no need for social services or healthcare. This dovetails with an end to federal taxes and programs and an end to unions. A popular textbook fuses the Christian message with the celebration of unrestricted capitalism. Income tax is “idolatry” and property tax is “theft” and inheritance tax should be abolished. Readers are told that believers defy the secular authorities.

 

The book ends with a chapter on apocalyptic violence and discusses the End Times movement. Hedges describes a church in Detroit – cheap goods, neon signs and “an inhuman disregard for beauty and balance” that is part of a numbing assault against community. The plagues of alcoholism, divorce, drug abuse, poverty and domestic violence make the internal life as depressing as the external.  The church congregation waits for the final relief of purgative violence when they are lifted to heaven “and the world they despise will be wracked by plagues, flood and fire until it, and all those they blame for the debacle of their lives, are consumed and destroyed by God.” The chapter and the book ends returning to thoughts about how easy it was for Nazis or Mussolini to whip up the latent human fears and feelings. Hedges notes democracy makes sure there is no religion that can let the individual citizen with rights and freedoms be lost in a religious crowd. The chapter ends with warnings. You can’t use reason with the Christian Right. The movement is not reasonable. It does not recognize you as Christian – unless you are part of the movement that has appropriated the name of the faith and you are under its control! There is one goal – the destruction of the other - the Constitution, the liberals and the enlightened. He ends:

 

“The attacks of this movement on the rights and beliefs of Muslims, Jews, immigrants, gays, lesbians, women, scholars, scientists, those they dismiss as ‘nominal Christians’ are an attack on all of us, on our values, our freedoms and ultimately our democracy. Tolerance is a virtue, but tolerance coupled with passivity is a vice.”

 

All of this forced me to recall the early Methodist struggle in the UK with the then notion that Christ’s death “saved” people and reconciled them to God. For the Methodists, that notion was underpinned by equality because we humans are all in this world together. Even though being part of an exclusive “chosen” club may be a better sell in today’s world of marketing, the life, teaching and death of Jesus of Nazareth was, in the words of hymn writer Charles Wesley: for all, for all, for all. Within the Methodist doctrine of salvation, the idea that God’s action for humanity was only for a select few was unthinkable.

 

When I worked on church policy and refugees, Canadian ecumenical thinking about refugees produced a booklet called “The Bible and the Outsider.” It described the overall biblical take on the Jesus movement as “radically inclusive.” The Christian right seems to have got the whole idea of the faith outside in!



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