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Frum on Trump and Restoring US Democracy
                        August 2020


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David Frum, Canadian-American, proud conservative, Republican, former speech writer for President G.W. Bush, and now a Staff Writer at the Atlantic has given us a clever book. It attracts us with well-written insights into Trump. At the same time it pushes us into noting areas of US democracy that Trump has uncovered as wanting. Frum senses a coming major pendulum swing to the left, with a possible liberal political harvest. Within this he urges honest conservatives and honest liberals to seize the moment for something lower profile – underlying political reforms.

With representative voting, a professional public service, a senate that functioned democratically Trump would not have been elected and could not have imposed his corrupt practices. Some changes are technicalities but Frum insists they need to be fixed. Even if the pandemic and the recession topple Trump, his core base will remain - alienated, resentful and dangerous.

Apocalypse was to first century Christians and Jews a revelation – a beginning that would usher in a new and better order where justice would triumph at last over injustice. This book is Frum’s plea that the passing of Trump (may it be so) will result in a new beginning with reformed US democracy.

The book falls into two parts, The Reckoning and A New Age of Reform.

The first chapter, The Smash-up, is a collection of things Trump did do and did not do, as well as some statistics on changing voting patterns. As under Obama, under Trump the benefits of economic growth went to big cities, knowledge centres and educated elites. Gaps between cities and rural areas are widening. Typical families did not see much benefit from the Trump tax cut. There was no manufacturing renaissance. American sexes live increasingly apart. Men and women vote differently. The Republican party spoke to cultural grievances of American men. Older people voted for Trump, were less likely to care about climate change, found immigration a threat and were less likely to recognize fake news. The over 65 demographic is growing.

The media culture enflames polarization. TV local news is the dominant source of news for 37% and it is dominated by pro-Trump Sinclair Broadcast Group. Next comes cable, dominated by Fox News. After TV come social media. Facebook’s biggest advertiser summer 2019, after Trump campaign advertising, was Epoch Times a far-right source of pro-Trump conspiracy theories and false news. In 2016 fewer than half of Americans identified as white and Christian.

There is a sequence: Trump does not want to know how government works and he rejects information. Consequently, policies fail spectacularly. He then takes personal control. He chooses the option that sounds toughest. This is the pattern that was at work when families were separated and children were put in detention at the southern border.

There is scope for a dishonest president to gain wealth on a post-Soviet scale. Trump has done only some of that to keep his debts at bay. But he could have done more. Building impunity was his most successful project. It deserves preventive attention in a post Trump era.

Chapter 2, The Wall of Impunity, begins with the Mueller investigation of the Trump-Russia connection. It was a spectacular failure. Mueller constrained his investigation in many ways – like holding it to only the 2015-2016 period - so as to avoid answering key questions Americans had. Despite this the facts were damning. It’s illegal for federal employees to overspend on travel to benefit themselves or their colleagues. Vice President Pence visited Ireland in 2019 and wasted taxpayer dollars by staying at Trump’s golf course 180 miles from the meeting. Trump staffers meet every Tuesday night with lobbyists at the Trump hotel in Washington D.C.

The law enforcement system in the US is more political than any other. Ninety-three US attorneys are political appointees reporting to an assistant attorney general for the Criminal Division – also an appointee. Equivalents in other countries are career civil servants.

Trump has demonstrated the very great extent to which presidential cooperation with the law is voluntary. At one point in 2019, Trump simultaneously refused all cooperation with 20 distinct congressional investigations. There was little to be done. Worse, Republicans in the House and the Senate will act to defend a president they despise against charges they know to be true.

Chapter 3 World War Trump reminds us that US presidents have some freedom over foreign policy yet Trump’s brand has been a disaster for the US. Allies – UK, Canada, Ukraine have been prey. Past presidents saw their job as building a world system that worked for all liberal democracies. Trump discarded this. The Trans-Pacific Partnership to offset Chinese power was ditched as soon as he was elected. He loves trade wars. He claims other countries don’t pull their weight. Other countries do pull their weight: France and Canada in West Africa; and the EU in Eastern Europe. The US has not fought a war alone since Panama. Trump has admired strong leaders in non-democratic regimes. A stance that is hardly conducive to admiration from former allies.

Chapter 4 White terror. A new virtual international terrorist movement began mid 2016, sharing ideas and rhetoric. This movement of white racial resentment has killed hundreds of people over the Trump years and looks to Trump as inspiration. There were 49 mass killings in the US in 2019. The Anti-Defamation league reported a change from 2017. All the 2019 political murders were linked to right-wing extremists.

There are on-going reports of Trump supporters being ready for violence, and Trump claims tough supporters. Pipe bomber Cesar Sayoc chose his targets from Trump tweets. These elements of society have always been around but earlier Republican presidents sought to contain “dark energies.” Trump conjured them.

Trump’s movement sees itself as nationalist, but its vision is a multinational white nation based in Moscow. It’s not white nationalist. There are mixed race and other race members who only have to agree “white is best.” The new movement is radically masculinist and misogynist. The 21st century has been bewildering for men, and their resentments provided a political resource for Trump. The movement is implacably hostile to science, reason and objective truth. Anti-vaccination and anti-climate change pervade. The concept of power is personal. Loyalty is due to persons. For Trump it means loyalty to Trump – not loyalty to the Constitution.

There are echoes of fascism, but fascism was built around youth and energy. The new movement is shaped by nostalgia of the elderly, looking back to a better time and not looking forward to a utopia by conquest. Democracies are stronger than in the 1930s. Roosevelt explained in 1938 that democracy could be lost if it failed to address pressing social problems and he challenged the nation to show that “operation of democratic government is equal to the task of protecting the security of the people.”

Trump’s movement, like Trump, is deadly dangerous yet absurd. “The real Nazis seized a nation, these bozos lurk on Gab.” But they can kill. They are losers - with guns. They cannot be eliminated. They can be rendered harmless, but that will take more than one election even if Trump goes in the first.

5. “Real” versus “Unreal” Americans. Before 2001 there was only the odd time when a president was elected by the Electoral College as opposed to by a majority of the votes cast. Since 2010 anti-majority outcomes have occurred more often at every level of the system. Since 2000 only one of ten presidential nominees got a smaller share of the popular vote than Trump got in 2016 – he won with 46.09%. Trump said he won because Clinton had illegal votes. Many were ready to believe that, if not technically illegal, Clinton’s votes were from people who “counted” less.

Many Republicans believe that the 2020 Presidential election is critical for everything America holds dear because New Yorkers and Californians herd-vote for socialism and abortion. If Californian turnout is higher in 2020, a tight election could be won by 4 million votes even if Trump’s rural white votes rise too. There is a distinction for Trump between people and the people. Many hear that as meaning many people vote who should not have been allowed to in the first place. But “the people” elected him. And the Electoral College could put in Trump again.

Demographics predict that by 2040 70% of the population will be in 15 states and 30% in 35. The 30% will be mainly white, non-urban and over 55 years old. They will control 70 senate seats – enough to override a president’s veto. Voting for the same presidential candidate, they will give a 40-vote advantage in the Electoral College.

Since 2010, the electoral system has been gamed to erode democratic self-rule especially at the state level. For example, in 2018 Republicans won 47% of the votes in Michigan and took 53% of the seats; 48% votes in N. Carolina and 51% seats; 51% in Ohio and 62% seats. Former Wisconsin governor Walker said just because Democrats win big margins in some districts doesn’t mean they should have more seats! Feeling threatened by Obama, Republicans wrote maps to guarantee they would win even if they lost. There are things on top of that. Georgia purges from the voters’ list any voter’s name not exactly matching the state’s driving records. The appeal process is slow. In 2018 53,000 appeals were pending on voting day. The winner won by 53,000 votes. 70% of those appealing were black.

In a couple of cases in 2019 the Supreme Court ruled that partisan gerrymandering was not the business of the federal courts. That leaves state courts, which Frum says require prayer and more. The Voting Rights Act 1965 was supposed to fix all this. A re-authorization was issued in 2006 by George W Bush. But the Supreme Court vitiated a crucial enforcement section in 2013.

The stability of a democratic system depends on people playing by agreed fair rules. But many Americans care only about outcomes. Political professionals and public- spirited elites police the system. Trump has defied accountability on a scale and with a consistency unequaled in modern presidential history.

The convergence of political power supports the concentration of economic power. As workers lose out, voters become more vulnerable to demagogues and extremists.

6. The Deep State Lie. Pre-president Trump had a mysterious relationship with the FBI. He was an informant in 1980. Trump gradually attached deep state to every element of government that resisted his whim. His unlawful and illegal orders were not followed – like an order to assassinate Syria’s Bashar al-Assad. Presidents have enormous power over foreign policy. Trump did not use it in areas where he could have – Ukraine and Russia. Trump was not a victim of deep state - a government within a government sabotaging lawful authority. Trump was his own deep state sabotaging on the sly a policy he had ordered in writing.

Trump found the military would not be his toy army when he wanted a military parade in Washington like France’s Bastille Day. The Pentagon found reasons why it could not be done. A compromise was reached in July 2019. The service chiefs declined to attend.

In 2017 Trump was rebuked after his comments on a Neo-Nazi parade in Charlottesville. A car was driven into counter-protestors killing a woman. Trump said there were good people on both sides. All four service chiefs were clear – their force was not racialist and did not support intolerance and hatred. Trump’s standing fell in the armed forces during 2018 and 2019. When he pulled troops out of Syria and green-lit the Turkish invasion the military was surprised and called it a breach of trust, and the military managed to find a way of having a major fraction of the forces return to protect the oil fields from ISIS.

Watergate reminds that presidential action can be illegal – and illegal even if it fails. Nixon’s scheme to blame the CIA failed as did Trump’s scheme to extort from the Ukraine. Presidents have power to pardon anyone for a federal offence. As Trump demonstrated, it can be for any reason. However, he could be impeached if pardons were sold for bribes.

What Trump referred to as “deep state” was really just the rule of law. Yet as Trump defied the rule of law, his administration empowered the deep state of economic monopoly and privileged favour seeking. The 21 st century US economy has become more concentrated. Growth has slowed, wages have stagnated, but profits have soared as powerful interests extract higher returns. Health care is the worst example, with higher education runner up. In the 1990s Americans paid less for internet and mobile phones than Europeans – now they pay substantially more. In December 2019 the Federal Reserve reported on Trump’s economic policies for consumer welfare: “... the tariffs have not boosted manufacturing, employment or output even as they increased producer prices.”

The Trump tax cuts were justified as enticing US corporations to book profits where the government could tax. However, lobbying of the Treasury Department led to regulations allowing many US and foreign companies to owe little on offshore profits. The defeat of the attempt to tax offshore profits expanded the budget deficit more than planned. The combination of increasingly dysfunctional democracy with plutocratic economy means taxes avoided by those best able to pay now will be repaid in future by the least able.

7. How to Lose to Trump. The Democrats have moved left with temptations to repeat the major policy shift like Reagan did to Carter. The real danger is that many Americans who do not like Trump do not like the style and tone of the new left agenda either. This chapter essentially argues in favour of Republican policies or at least sensitivities to them. I think a better case can be made for a non-divisive administration – and that means an administration that tries to manage with understanding the widespread sensitivities like political correctness, race, immigration, gender. Above all, this chapter reminds progressives one is for Trump or against him. So vote against him. I agree with that.

Part II A New Age of Reform

8. Unrigging the system. There is more going on than Trump. October 2017 saw the #MeToo movement. In 2018 Congress reversed a 22-year ban on federal funding for gun safety research; November 2018 raised the minimum age for gun possession. In April 2017 The National Lynching Memorial opened in Montgomery Alabama. In 2019 six states restricted plastic waste. Electric cars doubled 2016-2018. Coal’s share of electric generation continued to fall – with big plants closing in Arizona and Pennsylvania. Tolerance is rising – same sex marriage is accepted. Trump has provoked a broad revulsion against misogyny, bigotry, corruption and cruelty.

This may herald an era of reform – but polling showed Iowa Democrats favour moderate reforms like improving healthcare and finding common ground. A lot can be done with modest reforms. A big needed reform like an election spending limit requires an unlikely big consensus and faces a very conservative judiciary. There are lesser big changes.

Post Trump, publishing tax returns of presidential candidates must be mandatory. If the Senate goes Democrat, its filibuster must go. This is a Senate rule that allows 41 senators to indefinitely delay legislation. Statehood for residential Washington DC, without the filibuster, would only require majority votes in both houses. This state would be bigger than Wyoming or Vermont and less dependent on federal assistance than Texas or Georgia. A federal voting rights law would address present abuses – perhaps it should contain provision for a federal tamper-proof ID provided for all citizens to please Republicans – and also regulate location of voting, access to reliable voter technology and equal waiting periods.

To deter gerrymandering requires persuading the Supreme Court to reverse recent precedent or gain 2-party buy in. However a unilateral fix could result if the Democratic National Committee hired a commission of experts to draw best practice maps for every state and federal district in the country. Then offer quid pro quo to Republicans. The longer term aim should be to get redistricting out of the hands of politicians.

Law enforcement can be depoliticized by overhauling the federal criminal justice system into a fully non-political one. Low remuneration for US attorneys is an issue for attracting a commitment from highly capable lawyers.

Trump arose because Americans felt their government was not delivering. Those feelings will not go when Trump goes. There will be a legacy of recession, trade wars, debt, climate crisis, cracked up alliances, and confrontations with Iran and China. To stabilize democracy, a Democratic government must deliver on things that matter most.

9. Uniting “Us” and “Them.” A poll before the 2018 election (ahem) had 87% of Democrats put health care and 87% treatment of women as top concerns; 84% of Republicans put immigration as a top concern and 85% put economy. (In 2006 Mitt Romney sought the Republican nomination with a proposal for universal health insurance.)

For Frum, the problem in US health care is not who finances it but who negotiates the costs. It is not just Medicare recipients that need government concern it is those who see health care devouring more and more of their incomes into the coffers of health providers. Obamacare was attacked as socialist by seniors receiving a more socialist Medicare. They were afraid Obamacare would reduce their Medicare. In countries like the UK health care is a source of unity.

The US spirit of unity is dissolving and so is the willingness of groups to care for one another. This has weakened the nation but strengthened party identity. However excess partisanship can backfire. Kentucky went Republican in a big way so that before the 2018 election they held every office and 2 Senate seats. Kentucky had attacked health coverage with waivers to Affordable Care Act rules. But by the time 2018 arrived 44% of Kentuckians approved the ACA. In 2018 the Republican governor was removed.

Frum says a Democrat blind spot is immigration. In the 2018 election the turnout of both parties was high. The immigration issue and an anti-immigration caravan helped turn out the Republican vote despite an otherwise unpopular president.

If Democrats want to perpetuate health care reforms they need to solidify a sense of national belonging. If Republicans want to safeguard the border they must offer a better deal to those living on the border’s American side. FDR cared about creating a sense of “right” and “belonging” to social security by tying it to payroll. The ACA lacks that.

Sometimes in politics things that cannot be done by the parties separately can be done by working together: SNAP – the former food stamp program -- was compromise; and Clinton swapped more health coverage for poor children for a cut in capital gains tax. Health care and immigration might be a match? Whatever the policy, by the mid-2040s the US will cease to be majority non-Hispanic white. And in this is a world that is already determined Americans need each other. Enhancing providing for each other adds to national belonging and vice-versa.

10. Greener Planet, Better Jobs. Liberal societies flourish on optimism and fail on pessimism. Two big fears: a fear that long-settled populations will be replaced by immigrants; and, for the younger and environmentally minded, fear that humanity is destroying the environment that supports human civilization. Family support for the young is inadequate while increasing numbers of aged get social security and medicare. Climate rejectionism is a theme of modern day conservatism. To many the topic is aggression – they feel attacked by a 16-year old schoolgirl from Sweden. Conservatives feel watched and judged. Frum doesn’t explain this – except he says that climate change concern began as a non-partisan issue and that a battle to maintain it took place in the George W Bush administration and was lost.

Frum challenges the use of climate change as a foil to launch a WWII style government- run economic system; he says rather that climate change is a summons to human reason and problem solving. Success will be shifting the debate from accusations to solutions, from identity to policy. Release of CO2 from fossil fuel is to blame. The release peaked for the EU in 1990; for the US the peak was 2005, but it is still too much. The growing release by the developing world is offsetting developed world reductions. Massive amounts of plastic are also produced from fossil fuel. Migration is linked to climate change. Frum fears China’s trying reckless ideas like blocking solar radiation. He says US leadership could help.

The financial relationship with China is a problem. China’s corrupt closed financial system prevents investment. And China’s currency manipulation doesn’t help. The dollars earned by China should flow into markets – buying US goods or real estate. Instead the trade deficit goes up. Jobs shift to China faster than they otherwise would. As production moves, so does pollution.

The Frum solution: the US balances its budgets; China opens its markets; everybody needs to emit less. Put a carbon tax on fossil fuels and plastics. That carbon tax is a tariff that can be a tool for cooperation in reduction of fossil fuel and the plastics that come from them. Countries could do it together – so that if everyone is doing it goods could enter tariff free. There is no need for a vegan program. Frum says a drop in red meat consumption is already underway in the US, and US agriculture is a small contributor to greenhouse gasses.

For the cities – reduce the commute. Provide apartment housing above malls and low-rise office blocks over parking lots and you can have live-work-play area suburbs. For the rural scene encourage wind plantations and solar fields to employ the under-employed and alienated – especially young men.

Frum also likes getting into big time sequestering CO2 – putting it into a safe long-term storage. Frum suggests that nuclear power, despite its risks, could provide the large amount of energy needed for sequestering CO2. I note that an obvious alternative is leaving the oil and gas where it is. It’s already been sequestered stably for thousands of years without the need for high cost nuclear power.

The US military could be asked to protect Americans from threats like climate change as well as from classical military threats. Given that it has a large budget, that would not draw budget dollars from other needed initiatives.

And a carbon-reversing economy can still be a free enterprise economy says Frum.

11. Great Again. Trump whacked the world trading system, reviled US allies, tried to bust the EU, watched South Korea and Japan wrangle, betrayed Kurds, sold out to Ukranians. North Korea, Taliban, Russia and China all stood taller, and at the beginning of 2020 there was risk of war with Iran. Now as events catch up with Trump, it falls to the US working with their allies to build a better world back: reviving trade agreements, re-committing to climate agreements, renewing international cooperation.

Something like the Obama tour beginning in 2009 to reset the US relationship with the Islamic world will be needed to make amends. New modes of cooperation will be needed. Brazil and Indonesia are climate change super-powers given their reforestation capacities. The US/Japan and US/South Korea relationships will need warming. Any toughness with China needs to be respectful. The US can still lead, but it must lead by consent. It’s on Americans to justify their international friends’ belief in America by ensuring Trump’s presidency comes to its deserved crushing end.

12. Against Revenge. The final chapter reflects on Republicans and Trump. With Trump came a gigantic tax cut – constraining a future president. The Trump administration tightened the conservative grip on federal judiciary. They undid environmental regulations. They repealed action against climate change. The political and economic bill came due in 2018. The Democrats won the House and gained 7 governorships. In the elections of 2018 Republicans were crushed in Virginia, suburban and exurban Philadelphia, and were beaten in Kentucky. The needs of business in the modern world do not fit the message and practice of Trump politics.

For forty years wealth and power have concentrated in fewer hands and the US is due for a shift to the left. Wealth may be taxed more heavily. Labour may be protected more aggressively. Companies and industries may be regulated more intrusively. Social insurance may expand more expensively. The pendulum of politics usually swings too far and someone needs to be there to push it back. Trump will go out of fashion. But American conservatism contains truths that will be rediscovered by people for whom Trump will seem a sad squalid figure out of history. In one term, Trump managed to do immense damage to the world, the US and his party. It will take a long time to repair.

The best intentioned most public-spirited people had to made deals with the devil to accomplish anything in the Trump years. Outside government, people with reputation supported the pro-Trump cause. Many were in on the scam from the start and will leave it when it finally deflates.

But there are tens of millions of Americans that were duped. Trump played on the fears, hatreds and prejudices that human beings have. They are just fellow Americans. Ultimately, Frum believes the US has stood for something bigger than crass immediate commercial interest. Embattled people all over the world could hope that their struggles might be reinforced by a power for good. That hope has given Americans faith in themselves at moments of uncertainty. Championing democracy worldwide sends the signal home – this is who we are – we are not the bully Trump.

Reforms suggested could stabilize the country if undertaken in the spirit of reconciliation. The intentionally bad actors deserve harsh judgment. But most were fallible human beings. Deceived by those they trusted – Fox News, Facebook – into a lagoon of ignorance, then caught in the nets of irresponsible politicians. Yes, they could have tried to overcome prejudices, yes they could have sought more information, yes they made bad choices. In the end they remain countrymen. They are not going anywhere.


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