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The Bill against Smugglers steals Refugees' Rights

   
     October 2010

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During Summer 2010 a boat of reputedly Tamil refugee claimants arrived in Vancouver. Within the accounts was a suggestion that the boat had originated in Thailand. Supposedly, smugglers were involved. By accounts from Vancouver NGOs early September, the refugee claimants were being examined without access to NGOs so their treatment was of concern but largely unknown. Presumably, this treatment will at some point see the light of day. After repeated rumblings, in late October the government introduced proposed legislation, Bill C-49, to “crack down” on human smugglers.

 

Toronto refugee law expert Lorne Waldman wrote in the Star Oct 28th the Bill tabled:  “misses the mark. Instead of focusing on the real problem — the human smugglers who exploit people for a profit — it directs the reprisals at their victims — the refugees fleeing persecution.”

 

Waldman noted the Bill did almost nothing to advance its stated purpose. The only part to addresses human smuggling provided mandatory minimum sentences.  Yet studies have shown that such mandatory sentences are not effective in deterring criminal activity. They can only be less effective for human smuggling because the perpetrators use proxies. Since they never set foot in Canada they never face the sentence. At the same time the bill made it easier to convict people who innocently assist refugees to be charged  for human smuggling.

 

The Bill went beyond the supposed purpose of responding to  boat arrivals. The language was broad enough to single out for rights restricting treatment  any two or more asylum seekers  who arrive together by land, sea or air. The minister simply had to designate them as an “irregular arrival.” The wide discretion and ambiguity allowed almost any asylum seekers who come to Canada to be designated and subject to the sanctions. All designated faced mandatory detention for 12 months without review, even women and children. Those subsequently found Convention Refugees would not get the travel document required under the 1951 Convention for 5 years and so cannot travel anywhere. They would be barred from applying for permanent residence for five years. This would slow settling and rob them of their right to family life by preventing family reunion during the five-year period  in addition to the usual years after an application if made.

 

Worse, hidden in the legislation to deal with smugglers were measures that affected all non-citizens.  Any non-citizen, even a permanent resident who has lived in Canada for years, had to be detained while the minister investigated a suspicion that they might have committed a criminal offence outside of Canada.  The Bill also eliminated the right of appeal against certain decisions made by the Immigration and Refugee Board. That right was given to refugees as part of the recent June 2010 parliamentary compromise.  Waldman noted the measure removing an appeal applied even when such a person was not part of an irregular arrival.

 

To my mind the "real" solution is not this kind of legislation which should be scrapped. Evidently the better solutions come from international cooperation among States. Yet so far, the international initiatives have focussed only on agreements to prosecute smugglers. Steps of international agreement for better sharing the load of asylum seekers amongst attractive developed countries are underdeveloped. The international regime goes only so far as to place obligations on a country like Canada once a refugee manages to appear there in some manner to claim the international status. The manner of arrival must be overlooked if the person is indeed a refugee. Attempts to introduce international sharing of asylum seekers  have gone no further than the framework in Conclusion 15 agreed to by governments comprising  the Executive Committee of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees program in the late '70s.

 

As Waldman says, the victims of the law as proposed in the tabled Bill C49  are refugees and their fundamental rights as human beings like freedom from arbitrary or mandatory detention or fair trial. We diminish ourselves as human beings and as a nation when we legislate such laws. Human beings deserve better. Let’s hope that refugee rights can somehow emerge  intact from the messy political processes yet to come.



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